The
earliest Indonesians in the anthropological sense probably arrived in
the
islands of Southeast Asia between three and four thousand years ago,
with the
linguistic and archaeological evidence suggesting that these natives
may have
crossed over from the Chinese mainland via Taiwan
and the Philippines. More than five hundred years
before
Columbus set sail on his inaugural voyage of discovery, the natives of
island
Southeast Asia ― together with their Polynesian descendants ― explored
and
occupied an area that spanned from Madagascar in the west to the
islands of the
South Pacific in the east, an area that represents more than 206 of the
Earth’s
360 degrees of longitude. Anthropologists believe that the natives of
island
Southeast Asia first began their
exploration
of the South Pacific about 3,500 to 4,000 years ago. To navigate from
island to
island, these early sailors had to memorize the vertical star path for
any
given destination and then sail in the direction of that path by
holding the
ship’s mast to fix the boat's direction onto one or more of the stars
in the
constellation. It is only at locations relatively near the Earth’s
equator that
the constellations present star paths that are nearly perpendicular to
the
horizon. This may account for the fact that these native Indonesian
explorers
were able to navigate over vast distances long before Europeans were
able to
perform similar maritime feats.
Pliny
the Elder was the first
western historian to mention the accomplishments of
these amazing seafarers. Composed during the first century of the
Common Era
(CE), Pliny's Natural History refers to merchant ships out of Asia
who were engaged in trade with the East Coast of Africa. Modern
anthropologists
have been able to assemble a body of linguistic and genetic evidence
that
strongly supports the proposition that the island of Madagascar was
colonized
nearly two thousand years ago by natives from island Southeast Asia.
The
earliest known attempt to map world geography was undertaken toward the
end of
the first century CE by the Greek astronomer Claudius Ptolemy. In the
“Geographia”, Ptolemy wrote about an island located to the east of the
Indian
subcontinent called Labadius. The island "... is said to be a most
fruitful one, and to produce much gold," wrote Ptolemy. "It has a
metropolis on the north side toward the west called Argentea...." The
name
Labadius probably was derived from the Indian Sanskrit word Yavadvipa,
the name
that the natives of the Indian subcontinent first used to refer to the island of Java in religious texts that
were
written in the third century BCE (Before Common Era). Archaeological
digs in
western Java have produced Chinese ceramics that date from the period
of the
Han dynasty that once ruled China
during the opening centuries of the Common Era. These important
discoveries
demonstrate that western Java had indeed once been a stop-over point
along the
maritime trade route that connected China
with India and Persia.
In
addition,
a Chinese text has been found that describes a mission to China
from an undisclosed port that was ruled by King Devavarman. Some
scholars
believe that this port city may have been located on the coast of
western Java. [1]
Several
early
Hindu
texts refer to a place in Southeast Asia called the "Land of Gold"
(Suvarnabhumi). However, the name does not necessarily imply that this
was a
place that necessarily possessed an abundance of precious metal. Cloves
and nutmeg
were so valuable to the mainlanders that their worth far exceeded their
weight
in gold. It is more likely that the name “Suvarnadvipa” had a more
general
significance--referring to anything that produces wealth. [2]
For
thousands
of years,
the natives of island Southeast Asia exercised total control over the
world's
only source of cloves and nutmeg, which they traded in exchange for
goods from
the Asian mainland. Historians have suggested that these rare spices
may have
made their way to Mesopotamia as early as 1700 BCE and consumed in China as well as Rome by the opening years of the
first
century BCE. [3]
The
region’s
reputation
as a land of opportunity acted as a lure for attracting a large number
of
fortune seekers to the islands. Their arrival provided the natives of
these
islands with their first introduction to the religious beliefs,
literature and
culture of the Indian subcontinent. By the 5th century CE, the
indigenous
rulers of the islands of Borneo, Java and Sumatra
had all adopted the Indian kingship model, which must have appealed to
the
local rulers because it reinforced the divine role of the sovereign in
virtually every aspect of human life--from architecture and legal
rights to
religious practices, language and dance.
It
would
be short-sighted,
however, to attribute the appeal of Indian culture to political
considerations
alone. The natives undoubtedly embraced this cultural infusion from the
north
because it presented highly refined extensions of certain religious
ideas and
principles that the indigenous natives had previously incorporated into
their
worship of local mountain divinities and ancestral spirits. Numerous
mountaintop sites featuring stone megalithic structures have been
discovered
throughout the Indonesian islands. Featuring terraced stone platforms
and
large, roughly dressed stones, these sites once served as the focus of
indigenous religious rites involving ancestor worship. Although it is
not
possible to date these structures with certainty, archaeologists
believe that
at least some of them predate the archipelago's Hindu/Buddhist period.
"Indian
influence
in
Indonesia
was not primarily the result of Indian efforts to expand their sphere
of
influence and to export their own culture, but the fruit of Indonesian
initiatives to assimilate those Indian elements that appealed to them
and that
seemed to fit best into the pattern of their own culture. The approach
of the
Indonesian who visited the Holy Land of Buddhism and Hinduism was an
eclectic
approach, one of picking and choosing instead of absorbing
indiscriminately." [4]
The
predominantly
religious
nature of this assimilation of foreign influences is
illustrated by
the way that the Javanese adopted words of Indian origin for their own
use.
This particular cultural borrowing consisted of words from an ancient
Indian
language called Sanskrit, which had already become a "dead" language
on the Indian subcontinent itself, only spoken during religious rites
or used
to record various religious scriptures. That the Javanese preferred to
adopt
thousands of Sanskrit terms instead of words from the commonly spoken
dialects
of India
demonstrates the strong roles that spiritual teachers from the mainland
must
have once played on the island. [5]
Island
Southeast
Asia’s
wholesale adoption of thousands of Sanskrit words has provided scholars
with
the means for separating cultural borrowings from India
from indigenous beliefs that must have been developed prior to island Southeast Asia’s first contacts with the Indian
subcontinent. For example, scholars believe that the natives of this
region
first learned the skills of rice cultivation, pottery making, cattle
breeding,
weaving and navigation--including a practical knowledge of rudimentary
astronomy--prior to leaving the Asian mainland in search of their new
homeland
in the south. This deduction is based on the fact that in the local
languages
of the islands, common terms are used to describe all of these
operations that
were not derived from Sanskrit. The sharing of these terms among the
natives of
the various Indonesian islands also demonstrates that they must be
among the
oldest words to have been introduced, which pushes their origin
backwards in
time to the second millennium BCE. [6]
The Reports of Pious
Pilgrims
The
reports
of various Buddhist
monks tell us that the islands of Java and Sumatra once served as way
stations
for pious travelers journeying between China and the Holy Land of
India.
At the turn of the fifth century CE, the Buddhist pilgrim Fa-hien
stopped on
the island of Java
while on the way back to China.
According to Fa-hien, in the country of Java-dvipa “...various forms of
error
and Brahmanism were flourishing, while Buddhism there is not worth
speaking
of." [7]
Fa-hein
also
provides us
with a vivid account of just how perilous the sea journeys between China and India could be."On
the
sea thereabouts there were
many pirates, to meet with whom is speedy death. The great ocean
spreads out, a
boundless expanse. There is no knowing east or west; only by observing
the sun,
moon and stars was it possible to go forward. And if the weather were
dark and
rainy, the ship went as she was carried by the wind, without any
definite
course. In the darkness of the night, only the great waves were to be
seen,
breaking on one another, and emitting a brightness like that of fire,
with huge
turtles and other monsters of the deep all about. The merchants were
full of
terror, not knowing where they were going. The sea was deep and
bottomless, and
there was no place where they could drop anchor and stop. But when the
sky
became clear, they could tell east and west, and the ship again went
forward in
the right direction. If she had come upon any hidden rock there would
have been
no escape." [8]
Prior
to
the twelfth
century CE, when the use of compass was not known, the mariners of
southern Asia "...had to determine
the position of their
boats by Sun during day and by stars during night. If the weather was
cloudy,
the dangers multiplied and the sailors had to sail from one short
land-mark to
another; if they were in mid-sea, divine mercy was their only shelter.
Pliny
(A.D. 77) tells us that mariners from Taprobane (Sri Lanka) '...take
birds out
to the sea with them, which they let loose from time to time and follow
their
direction of flight as they make for land.'" [9]
In
414
CE, the monk Guṇavarman,
formely
a prince of Kashmir, visited
a kingdom that
the fifth century Chinese Chronicles called Cho-po. Scholars have
provisionally
identified this kingdom with the remains of Buddhist temples found in
West Java. Visiting Cho-po just a few years after
Fa-hein had departed Java for China, Guṇavarman
succeeded in converting the king and queen to Buddhism. He
is also credited with the first translation of a Buddhist text by
Dharmagupta into the local language of the kingdom. [10]
Guṇavarman is
reported to
have arrived in the Javanese capital in either 422 or 423 CE. During
the
night
preceding the monk’s arrival, the mother of the Javanese king had a
dream in which
she saw a monk arriving in a sailing vessel. When Guṇavarman appeared the
next morning,
the queen mother immediately became a convert to the Buddhist faith and
not
long thereafter the king was persuaded to do likewise. When Java was
attacked
by hostile troops, the king asked Guṇavarman whether it
would be contrary to
Buddhist law if he were to fight against the enemy. When Guṇavarman responded that
it was certainly the king’s duty to punish the invaders, the ruler
immediately
entered the fray and obtained a great victory. According to the Biography of Famous Monks, when the
king’s ministers attempted to dissuade their monarch from renouncing
the throne
to pursue a spiritual life, the king relented “on the express condition
that
henceforth no living creatures should be killed throughout the length
and
breadth of the country.” [11]
In
664
CE, the Chinese
monk Hui-neng visited the Javanese port city of Ho-ling, where he translated various
Buddhist
scriptures into Chinese with the assistance of the Javanese Buddhist
monk Jñanabhadra.
This report of the existence of a local monk who was competent enough
to render
assistance with the translation of Buddhist scriptures suggests that,
by the
middle of the seventh century, the seeds of Buddhism that Gunavarman
had
previously planted on the island were finally beginning to flourish.
Although
Ho-ling’s
geographic
location is never expressly mentioned in the reports of the
pilgrims
who had visited the kingdom, there are several reasons that suggest a
location
on Java’s northwestern coast, which is precisely where the Greek
astronomer
Claudius Ptolemy said that the main port city of Labadius was located during the first
century
CE.
According
to
the Chinese
Chronicles, at Ho-ling on the day of the summer (June) solstice, an
eight-foot
vertical stake would cast a shadow that was two feet long at the time
of local
noon that fell to the south side of the stake. This information
provides us
with a mathematical means for determining that Ho-ling had a latitude
of 6
degrees, 8 minutes south. The only part of Java that reaches this
particular
latitude is located on the island’s northwest tip. [12]
In
addition
to the Han
dynasty Chinese ceramics that have been discovered in the area,
archaeologists
have located a few Sanskrit inscriptions, one of which commemorates the
canal-building efforts of King Purnavarman, the Hindu ruler of the kingdom of Taruma. Dated epigraphically to
the
middle of the fifth century CE, the Stone of Taruma features a carved
set of
the king’s footprints, which are compared to the divine feet of the
Hindu god
Viṣṇu. [13]
In
671
CE, the Chinese
monk I-Tsing decided to embark on his own voyage to India.
After sailing for twenty
days, his ship arrived at the Buddhist kingdom
of Bhoga on the island of Sumatra,
where the monk "...landed and stayed six months, gradually learning the
Sanskrit grammar. The king gave me some support and sent me to the
country of
Malayu (Srivijaya)...." [14]
I-Tsing
also
praises the
high level of Buddhist scholarship that existed in Srivijaya, advising
Chinese
monks to study there prior to making the journey to India."In
the
fortified city of Bhoga,
Buddhist
priests
number more than 1,000, whose minds are bent on learning and good
practice.
They investigate and study all the subjects that exist just as in (India);
the
rules
and ceremonies are not at all different. If a Chinese priest
wishes to go
to the West in order to hear and read (the original scriptures), he had
better
stay here one or two years and practice the proper rules...." [15]
I-Tsing’s
visits
to Sumatra gave him the
opportunity to meet with others who
had come from other neighboring islands. According to the Chinese monk,
the
Javanese kingdom of Ho-ling was due east of the city of Bhoga at a
distance that could be spanned by
a four- or five-day journey by sea. He also wrote that Buddhism was
flourishing
throughout island Southeast Asia.
"Many
of the kings and chieftains in the islands of the Southern Sea admire
and
believe (in Buddhism), and their hearts are set on accumulating good
actions." [16]
In
718
CE, the venerable
Buddhist monk Vajrabodhi departed India
for China
on a ship of the Persian fleet. While waiting on the island
of Sumatra for the next ship
to
disembark for the Chinese mainland, he met a 14-year-old boy from Sri Lanka
who
would eventually become one of the most important translators of the
Mahayana
Buddhist scriptures. After agreeing to allow the boy to serve as his
disciple,
the two sailed to China,
where
they
were responsible for translating a large number of Buddhist texts
into Chinese. Following Vajrabodhi's death, his faithful disciple
Amoghavajra
traveled to Sri Lanka
and India
by way of
Java at the behest of the Chinese emperor, who wished to acquire
additional
Buddhist scriptures.
In
the
opening years of
the ninth century CE, the Japanese monk Ku-kai traveled to China
in order
to study at the feet of the Chinese Buddhist master Hui-ko. While
living at his
master’s monastery in China,
he met a Javanese monk called Pien-hung who was also studying there.
The
encounter demonstrates that the Javanese were capable of traveling
great
distances in order to learn at the feet of the great teachers of
Buddhism
during the very period in which Borobudur
was
under construction. [17]
The Dawn of Central Java's Classic Age
Starting from almost nothing, Javanese civilization reached a
phenomenal
degree of maturity within a period of just 200 golden years. The burst
of
artistic effervescence that radiated outward from the island’s interior
ultimately culminated in the building of some of the most beautiful and
awe-inspiring temples to be found anywhere in the world, which is why
the
entire period between the eighth and tenth centuries is generally known
today
as the ‘Classic Age’ of Hindu-Javanese culture.
The Chinese
records of the period cite Ho-lo-tan, Cho-p’o
and Ho-ling as the names for various Javanese trade missions that had
sailed to China
to visit the royal court of the Chinese emperor. We do not know to what
extent
these Chinese transliterations of the original, indigenous Javanese
place names
might refer to the existence, side-by-side, of multiple Hinduized
kingdoms on
the island. The political landscape of the entire region was highly
volatile
during the seventh and eighth centuries and it is possible that the
different
locales mentioned in the Chinese histories may have been part of the
same
Javanese state at certain points in time while on other occasions had
been
totally independent kingdoms.
There are
several entries in the Chinese History of
the T’angthat provide the names of individual
Javanese rulers as well
as other
information about their respective kingdoms. Javanese trade
representatives
must have told Chinese court officials a few details about their native
land,
with the Chinese dutifully recording the information without making any
attempt
to separate legend from fact. For this reason historians often must
search
elsewhere for corroborating evidence in order to weigh the historical
value of
the ancient Chinese chronicles, as the following account demonstrates.
“In
674-675 A.D. the [Javanese] people...took as their ruler a woman of the
name
Sima. Her rule was most excellent. Even things dropped on the road were
not
taken up. The Prince of the Arabs (Tazi), hearing of this, sent a bag
with gold
to be laid down within her frontiers; the people who passed that road
avoided
it in walking, and it remained there for three years. Once the heir
apparent
stepped over that gold and Queen Sima became so incensed that she
wanted to
kill him. Her ministers interceded and the queen said: “Your fault lies
in your
feet, therefore it will be sufficient to cut them off.” The ministers
interceded again, and so she only had his toes cut off, in order to
give an
example to the whole nation. When the prince of Tazi heard of this, he
became
afraid and dared not attack her.” [18].
The queen’s
obsession with law and order is certainly
consistent with what we would expect from a Javanese ruler. It compels
us to
recall a line from Central Java’s
earliest
inscription to include a year date, which concludes by praising the
reigning
monarch for rendering his kingdom so safe that “...people can sleep on
the
roadside without being troubled by thieves or other fears.” A legend
about
Queen Sima continues to be told in the wayang purwa performances of
Sundanese
West Java, which leads us to suspect that there is a kernel of truth in
the
Chinese report after all. It credits the Queen with the contruction of Candi
Gendong Songo, which is located in north-central Java.
A long time ago there was a KalingaKingdom
at KelingCity,
Jepara in North-Central Java that had
a queen
by the name of Simha (Sanskrit for
the “Lion”). She was very
famous throughout the land because she was known to be very fair and
wise. She
always taught the people of the kingdom to be honest, sincere, pious
and
persevering, as well as to believe and always pray to the Supreme Being
(Sang
Hyang Widi Wasesa). One night, the queen received a dream that inspired
her,
together with her subjects and soldiers, to migrate eastwards for the
purpose
of building a house of worship. The new temple would bring them closer
to Hyang
Tunggal -- the singular God whose sons Hyang Manikmaya and Hyang Ismaya
symbolize the forces of light and darkness amongst the Javanese. For
this
purpose the queen called upon the assistance of the ascetics (Resi) Kihajar Selakantara and Kihajar
Watangrana. After a
few days of walking they
came to a place near the top of SuralayaMountain
where the air
was fresh and where the hills offered a beautiful panoramic view of the
surrounding countryside. Kihajar Watangrana began to construct the
temple at
that very place. When the other Resi learned of this, he felt injured
because
Kihajar Watangrana had not consulted with him first. He also wanted the
temple
to be built closer to the top of the SuralayaMountain.
Because
of
their difference of opinion, the two Resi fought until the Kihajar
Selakantara
emerged as the winner. Kihajar Watangrana and his soldiers fled to the
top of
the mountain, where the Resi caused additional temples to be built in
that
place. When
Kihajar Selakantara heard
about the other temples he became very angry and tried to bring their
construction to a halt. During the ensuing war between the two
factions, the
troops of both parties depleted their water stocks and began to suffer
from
thirst. The disagreement ended with the arrival of the beautiful Endang
Puspasari, who became the servant of Kihajar Selakantara. Distraught
over
failing to gain the girl's affections, Kihajar Watangrana decided to
leave.
Kihajar Selakantara continued his climb to the top of Suralaya, so that
he
could complete his task according to Queen Sima's wishes. On his way to
the top
he smelled a fragrance like flowers, which inspired him to pray to Sang
Hyang
Widi Wasesa at that very place. He then realized that this was the very
place
for building the temple for Queen Simha. For this reason it is called
Ndarum
(Gondo arom), the fragrant smell like flowers, even today. The
very next day, they began to
construct the temple with the assistance of the gods. During the
process of
erecting the temple, they learned that if human beings wished to obtain
the
peaceful life, they would need to gain control over the nine passions,
which
gain influence over human character by entering nine orifices or
“gates” within
the human body. This is the meaning behind the construction of the Nine
Temples. It is the bridge for praying or performing sujud
(bowing from a kneeling position so that forehead touches the
floor) before Sang Hyang Tunggal. Kihajar Selakantara also
sent a
message to Kihajar Watangrana that ordered him to stay around the last
temple (i.e.,
the ninth temple) together with his soldiers. After Kihajar Selakantara
appeared before Queen Simha, Kihajar Watangrana went to meditate in the
ninth
temple and stayed there until his body had finished.
Java’s earliest
dated inscription commemorates King
Sañjaya’s installation of a stone lingam near the top of the
Gunung Wukir (‘CarvingMountain’)
on 6 October 732. The
inscription was discovered in the vicinity of a small Hindu temple that
the
Javanese call Candi Canggal. Near the end of the inscription the
composer
states Central Java had formerly been ruled by King Sanna, who in the
fullness
of time had subsequently passed on to enjoy the bliss of heaven. He was
succeeded by his son King Sañjaya “...whose upraised feet form
the shelter for
those kings who rule the Earth’s stable dynasties. While he rules the
Earth, which has the ocean waves for a
girdle and mountains as her
breasts, people can sleep on
the roadside without being
troubled by thieves or other fears.” [19]
Several ninth
century inscriptions refer back to Sañjaya in
ways which suggest that his realm not only had incorporated the Kedu
area in
which Candi Canggal still stands, but also may have extended as far as
the
Prambanan plain to the East. Sañjaya’s descendants may have
expanded their
illustrious ancestor’s realm all the way up to modern-day Semarang
on Java’s NorthCoast, where
one of Sañjaya’s close
relations is known to have established a Buddhist religious foundation.
Sañjaya’s role in the forging of a united Javanese state is
further confirmed
by certain tenth century inscriptions that honor him as the founding
monarch
of the kingdom that the authors shall designate henceforward as ‘Old
Mataram’
to distinguish the ancient Hinduized State of Central Java from the
much later
Islamic State of Mataram.
Something
unusual must have happened between the reign of
Sañjaya and the next known Javanese ruler. The History of the T’angreports
that
between 742 and 755 the
royal palace (kraton) of the Cho-p’o kingdom had been
transferred to the
East. Unfortunately, however, the Chinese report does not cite the
cause of the
displacement. Perhaps
the
potential
vulnerability of the island’s coastline to attacks by sea had
inspired the relocation. In any event, an
eight-day
journey was required to reach the new kraton with respect to its
previous
location, which must have placed it at a distance of somewhere between
100 and
150 miles eastward from the old kraton’s location.
Even during the early ninth
century it appears that there were at least
two Javanese kingdoms in close proximity to one another. The
information comes
from yet another Chinese report that refers to the visit of a Burmese
delegation to the court of the Maharaja of Java. As they traveled
overland to
visit the royal kraton, the Burmese delegates passed beyond two large
mountains. Perhaps they had taken a well-known trade route running from
North
to South that parallels the course of the ProgoRiver.
This
would
have caused them to pass by the prominent mountain peaks of
Sumbing
and Sindoro to the Northwest of Borobudur or Merbabu and Merapi on Borobudur’s Northeast side. The Burmese were
able to
observe that the royal members of the Javanese court followed the same
customs
that the foreign delegation had encountered previously at the court of
the
Buddhist king of Srivijaya. The Burmese delegates also heard about yet
another
Javanese kingdom that could be reached by means of an overland journey
of just
a few days.Yet
another royal center had been active in East Java
in and around this period.
[1] Ptolemy,Claudius.The
Geographica.Amsterdam:
Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (1966):157. See also Sarkar, Himansu
Bhusan.Trade
and
commercial activities of Southern India
in the Malayo-Indonesian world. Calcutta: Firma KLM (1986):282-283.
[2]Sarkar,
Himansu
Bhusan.Somecontributions
of
Indian
to the ancient civilization of Indonesia
and Malaysia.Calcutta:
Punthi Pustak (1970):6-7.
[3] Miksic,
John et. al. Indonesian heritage:
Ancient history. Singapore:
Archipelago
Press
(1996):26.
[4] Fontein, Jan,
Soekmono R.
& Sedyawati, Edi. The sculpture of
Indonesia. Washington, D.C.-New
York: National
Gallery of Art-H.N. Abrams (1990):34.
[5]Dr. F. D. K. Bosch as
cited in Sarkar (1970): 29-30.
[6]Sarkar,
Himansu Bhusan. Glimpses of early Indo-Indonesian culture:
Collected
papers of Himansu Bhusan Sarkar. New Delhi: Indira Gandhi National
Centre for the
Arts-Aryan Books International (2001):57-58.
[7]
I-Tsing. A Record of Buddhistic
Kingdoms: being an account by the Chinese monk Fâ-hien of his travels
in India and Ceylon
(A.D. 399-414) in search of
the Buddhist books of discipline. Oxford:
Clarendon Press (1886):111-113[James Legge, tr.].
[8]
Ibid.
[9]Sarkar,
Himansu
Bhusan.
Trade and commercial
activities of Southern India in the
Malayo-Indonesian world.Calcutta:
Firma
KLM
(1986):344.
[10] At the invitation
of
Chinese Emperor, Gunavarman left Cho-po for China
in 424 CE. Gunavarman finally arrived
in Nanking, China in 431 CE, shortly
after
which he died. SeeSarkar,
Himansu Bhusan.Some
contributions of Indian to the ancient
civilization of Indonesia and Malaysia. Calcutta: Punthi Pustak (1970):60.
[11] Majumdar,
R. C.
Suvarnadvipa. Calcutta: Modern Pub. Syndicate (1937-38):104 [vol.
I].
[12]
See the citation given inA Record of Buddhist
Religion as
Practiced in India and the MalayArchipelago by I-Tsing
translated
by J. Takakusu, page xlvii, in which Legg quotes from The New History
of the
T'ang (618-906) book 222, part ii).
[13]
SeeSarkar,
Himansu
Bhusan.Some
Contributions
of
Indian to the Ancient Civilization of Indonesia
and Malaysiaby
H.
B.
Sarkar. Calcutta: Punthi Pustak, Calcutta
(1970):58-59.
[14]I-Tsing.
A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms: being
an account by the Chinese monk Fâ-hien of his travels in India and Ceylon (A.D. 399-414) in
search of
the Buddhist books of discipline. Oxford:
Clarendon Press (1886):xxix-xxx[James Legge, tr.].
[15]
Ibid.p.
xxxiv.
[16]
Ibid.
[17]
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[18] Majumdar,
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[19] De Casparis,J.G.
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