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The Sang Hyang Kamahayanikan


An Old Javanese Mantrayana Buddhist Catechism

by N. J. Krom
From Barabudur: An Archaeological Description

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The Sang Hyang Kamahayanikan as published by Kats, consists of
two parts that each form a separate tract; the first is further discussed by Speyer in his article (1). This first part consists of a connected series of Sanskrit strophes with a more or less elaborate old-Javanese commentary attached; at the end the Sang Hyang Kamahayanan Mantranaya is given as the title. By this is evidently meant what is called in the verses mantracaryanaya, and generally known as the Mantrayana. The second part, a real catechism in Old-Javanese with a few quotations from the Sanskrit of a much less pure sort, belongs as the contents prove, to the same school as the first part.

The distinction between the original Mahayana and the Mantrayana (also called Vajrayana or Tantrayana) is this: the first exhorts every believer to take the Bodhisattva vow with the aim of finally in the distant future along a tedious difficult road attaining Buddhaship; while the second points out that this ideal may be achieved in the present life by means of incessant yoga, as well as worship of the Buddhas and implicit obedience to the guru. This transition is accounted for by the Buddha-idea being gradually merged -- the symptoms we have already clearly discerned -- into the idea of the Supreme Being as Spirit of the Universe (2). It does not alter the matter that for the attainment of the ideal the old terminology of the realm of nirvana remained in use (3).

Here of course, is not the place for any extensive treatment of this work, although it is of such particular importance to our knowledge of Javanese Buddhism. I must restrict myself to a short survey of the contents with special reference to what is of most value to our examination.

I shall instruct you in the Mahayana according to the method of the Mantracarya's. By the knowledge of this "vajra", this highest mantra-rule, did all Buddha's past or future attain omniscience and Sakyasingha by the power of these mantra's put Mara the Evil one to flight. Therefore do thou also strive to gain omniscience; follow this path, then shalt thou belong to the Tathagatas, the self-created (svayambhu).

For thee, if thou art faithful to thy vow, shall the vajra-water be changed into vajra-amrta-water of magic power that leads to the height of perfection. The sacred vajra, bell and mudra must thou keep secret and reveal only unto him that knoweth the magic circle (mandala). The vow thou hast taken upon thee hath the power of the vajra and is called "Vajrasattva" (4); through this shall the vajrajnana called Highest Wisdom enter into thy being. Vajrasattva himself the All-seeing one, shall open thine vajra eye (5). Behold the sacred mandala! Now art thou born into the kindred of the Buddha's, equiped with all the mantras; all magic, every state of perfection lies within thy grasp.

Hold fast to thy vow, exercise thyself in magic incantations, in the murmuring of prayers and worship (mantra, japa, puja). The Jina's have removed the scales of ignorance from thine eyes, thou art prepared by Bhatara Vajradhara. Learn that the dharmas (the world of appearances) are unsubstantial. Vajrasattva, the pure, the highest of all Buddha's rules in thy heart; from this time forth, set thou Vajradhara's Wheel of Law in motion before all people. Doubt not, reveal the most exalted method of the mantracarya's, all vajradharas (the annotator says, Vajrasattva) preserve thee. For him who possesseth the Highest Wisdom is nothing forbidden; therefore enjoy the pleasure of thy senses -- the commentator says just the opposite and forbids this.

Thou hast seen and entered the sacred mandala; now art thou pure and freed from all sin. Be ever faithful to thy sacred vow, maintain the Bodhicitta (the Bodhisattva-vow) which through the mudra hath become vajra; by the power of its creation thou shalt indoubtedly become a Buddha. Though thou must sacrifice thine own will, do not subdue it by self-mortification, bear in mind that it is a future Buddha. Vajra, bell and mudra must thou never forsake, nor be disobedient to thy teacher, for he, the vajracarya, is equal with all Buddha's.

Shew thyself ever dutiful to the teacher, serve him in all things, with money and possessions, thy wife and child, thy life if need be. For he it is who hath brought the Buddhaship within thy reach during thy mortal life, that were otherwise only attainable after the toil of countless aeons. This day thy birth is accomplished, thou art elected king of kings by all Buddha's and vajra-bearers; to-day thou hast overcome Mara and attained thy Buddha-ship. Be faithful to thy vows and walk in the ways of the Mantranaya; now and forever art thou become equal with all Buddhas.

This is the first part of the text. The second does not lend itself so easily to a concise summary. It begins with some instructions for the conduct of the adept, in which we again note the order prohibiting self-mortification, a well-cared-for body is better suited for the samadhi that brings salvation. The buddharsis, the hermits, are distinguished from the upasaka's, the lay-brothers. The aji to be followed for the attainment of Buddha-ship is further taught in the form of a dialogue. The six paramita's are then discussed at full length (the well-known group of dana, sila, ksanti, virya, dhyana and prajna), and in treating the cila and virya-paramita it is related consecutively what must be done by kaya, vak and citta. It then appears that all kinds of puja, muttered prayers, exercise of yoga, pronouncing of mantra's, meditation on the salvation of all creatures etc., is meant thereby, while the contents of the prajna-paramita is shewn as the dogma of the cunyata. To these six four other paramitas are added, the states of mind known elsewhere as bhavana; they are maitri, karuna, mudita and upeksa (6).

The six and four together form the ten paramita's and these are personified in the five devis: Bajradhatvicvari, Locana, Mamaki, Pandaravasini and Tara. The six paramitas are ascribed to the first mentioned, to the others, each one of the four. After the ten paramita's as principal means towards the higher Wisdom, comes the Mahaguhya, declared to be "the means of meeting the Lord", that consists of yoga and bhavana, each of four kinds.

The yoga on the authority of Dignaga is divided into mula-, madhya-, vasana- and anta-yoga, the bhavana into casti-, usmi-, urddha- and agra-bhavana, by which every time one of the bhavana's leads to one of the yoga's. Next come the well-known four aryasatyani, very shortly treated of and then it is stated that yoga, bhavana, the four aryasatyani and the ten paramita's make up the Mahaguhya.

Finally there is the Paramaguhya, the embodiment of the Lord, the Bhatara Vicesa and this exalted secret creed is expounded in the rest of the work. The aji called yogacara, refers to advaya and advaya-jnana, the knowledge that has no doubt concerning being and not-being with the mystic syllables am-ah. The combination of advaya and advaya-jnana creates Divarupa, thus the advaya, otherwise am-ah, is the same as the father of Bhatara Buddha, the advaya-jnana is the goddess Prajna- paramita, the Buddha's mother and Divarupa is the Buddha himself.

The short epitome of am-ah and advaya-jnana is contained in the aji advaya and this aji is the quintessence of aji tarkka (or prakarana) and ajivyakarana. Of these two last the aji tarkka gives knowledge of the advaya-jnana alias Prajnaparamita, the ajivyakarana of the advaya, am ah. Their combination causes the aji tantra to appear, the embodiment of the Buddha. This theory is made clearer by directions for pronouncing these two mystic syllables and an argument on the name of the Supreme Being, here called Vicesa, among various religions and sects.

Through advaya and advaya-jnana the body of the believer becomes "as bright as day", it has then become Divarupa, the embodiment of the Deva Vicesa. The attainment of the Buddhaship is thus here clearly explained as union with the Universal Spirit. The means for acquiring advaya and advaya-jnana, which last is also called bajra-jnana, are then further expounded. Seven kinds of samadhi (jambhala-, vagicvara-, lokecvara-, vajrasattva-, munivaracintamani-, cvetaketu- and kumaranirbana-samadhi) are enumerated and further the letters of the alphabet as well as the formula namah siddham connected with various parts of the body.

Another description of the samadhi's mentions five different sorts of breathing, that are named after the five Dhyani-Buddhas. The breathing on the right and left side causes four chief-mandala's to appear viz. -- the text is not quite distinct but the meaning is clear -- the three-cornered, red, agni-mandala, with a trident in the middle; the square, golden-yellow (or white) mahendra-mandala, with five vajras (or one vajra) in the middle; the shapeless, black, green and yellow vayu-mandala with a banner as emblem, and the round, white varuna-mandala with a small mandala in the middle as pure rock crystal. Then finally the motionless breathing, the pure and formless parama-vicesa, is called Vairocana-samadhi.

At this point the pupil asks the question: Divarupa is called the embodiment of Buddha, how then can other panditas consider the Ratnatraya and the five Tathagata's to be the embodiment of Buddha? This point is explained in a very remarkable way. Out of the body of the white-coloured Sakyamuni who assumes the dhvaja-mudra, appears from the right side the red Lokecvara in dhyana-mudra; from the left the blue Vajrapani in bhuhsparca-mudra. Three-in-one they form the Ratnatraya and the two last become respectively Dharma and Sarigha.

Lokecvara again divides into Aksobhya and Ratnasambhava; Vajrapani into Amitabha and Amoghasiddhi, while from (Sakyamuni's face springs Vairocana. Here we have the five Tathagata's and Vairocana further gives life to the gods, Icvara, Brahma and Visnu. The meaning of the five Tathagatas is then set forth and they are brought into relation with the five skandhas (rupa, vedana, samjna, samskara, vijnana), five brjas (mystic sounds, i. e. ah or aum, hum, tram, hrih, ah), the trikhala (raga, dvesa, moha), the trimala (artha, kama, cabda), the trikaya, (kaya, vak, citta), the triparartha (asih, punya, bhakti), the five elements (earth, water, fire, wind, aether), the five forms of skandha (kalala, arvuda, ghana, peci, pracakha) and five kinds of insight (cacvata-, ornisprapanca-, adarcana- or prabhasvara-, akacamata- or grahyagrahakarahita-, pratyaveksana- or sarvadharmanairatmya- and krtyanca- or krtyanusthana-jnana).

In one of these cases as already noted (7), Vajrasattva appears in the Sanskrit verse, but this name is left out in the old-Javanese text and replaced by Aksobhya. Finally the five devi's, just-mentioned, are further discussed and each of them ascribed to one of the Tathagatas; it is expressly stated that Dhatvicvari and Locana are one being and the devi's are therefore only four in number; as assistants to Vairocana they are named Satvavajri, Ratnavajri, Dharma vajri and Karma vajri. Each also has her bija and as meaning one of the four previously-mentioned paramitas, maitri, karuna, mudita and upeksa. This is the Paramaguhya of the Tathagatas: the mahabodhi, samadhi, all the mudras, mantras, yogas, bhavanas and wisdom (kavicaksanam) are the embodiment of the four devis and the yogicvara will not find the Buddha if he has not achieved the embodiment of the four devis. Here endeth the whole text.

It certainly is quite unnecessary to argue by means of this summary that the Sang Hyang Kamahayanikan is a real tantristic work. Even without its literally revealing itself as the method of the Mantracaryas, no doubt would be admissable because its whole exposition sets forth the Buddhaship as being attainable in this life by means of puja, japa and the mantras; the terminology too, as far as we know it, is tantristic on the whole. We have in fact no need to question its genuine tantristic elements, but we may for a moment consider whether we here have to do with views generally accepted in Java, or if -- as in itself is quite possible -- this work might perhaps be the product of a school that is outside the pale of real Javanese Buddhism. It might for instance in this form be an adaptation from the Sanskrit for the purpose of propaganda in a new creed that failed to meet with success and chance might have preserved this foreign imported text, while the genuine authoritative texts of the Javanese Mahayana were lost to us.

This last supposition may theoretically be justifiable, but how incorrect it would be is most plainly proved by what we have already collected from other sources regarding the Buddhism of East Java. Let us recall the Nagarakrtagama, that commentary on the living Buddhism practised when the [east Javanese] Majapahit kingdom was at the height of its power; we not only found the vajradharas, but the whole terminology is that of the Sang Hyang Kamahayanikan and we are doubly fortunate in the fact that the author of this poem occupied the post of head of the Buddhist clergy; to this we owe the certainty that all these terms are used in their right place and with their correct meaning. A writer who was merely a poet might easily have deprived us of these specially Buddhist data; here they are not only presented to us, but their authenticity is guaranteed by the official position of the author.

I shall not repeat the points of interest, already noted to be found chiefly in the description of the sraddha and the reign of king Krtanagara but refer to what is said above on the subject; I must however point out how much clearer many things in the poem become when viewed in the light of the Sang Hyang Kamahayanikan. To begin with, the opening strophes and their, at first sight, rather strange enumeration of all sorts of names by which the Supreme Being is known in various sects; this list now appears almost in the same form in the Kamahayanikan (8). The second canto praises the Buddhasmarana of the king's grandmother, also a term found in the text (9). And so it continues.

We need not be surprised that king Krtanagara chose to exercise tarkka and vyakarana, these are just the two aji's which in the catechism together create the aji tantra (10). In short, in every respect, the Buddhism of the Nagarakrtagama agrees with that of the Sang Hyang Kamahayanikan.

This also applies to the other works mentioned above, although with them there was less cause for it being apparent. But what is found there of the views most prominent, also agrees entirely with the system unfolded in the Kamahayanikan, especially what is set forth on the being of the Dhyani-Buddha's, the mention of the two Bodhisattva's Lokecvara and Vajrapani, and the prominent place given to Vairocana, who we saw in the catechism figures as creator of the gods. All this breathes the spirit of the Sang Hyang Kamahayanikan, thus of Tantrism. The images of the great sanctuary at Jajaghu, Amoghapasa and his companions, correspond exactly with this and it can be added that some of the mystic syllables mentioned in the text, have been found inscribed on tablets of gold (11).

In short, unless all the signs deceive us, it can be stated with certainty that the Mahayana of East Java, during the palmy days of the Majapahit kingdom, is no other than the Tantrism of the Sang Hyang Kamahayanikan.

But what about the earlier periods? Three centuries before the Nagarakrtagama, king Airlangga was reigning and under his rule lived the famous saint Bharada, and we have already heard (12), how he was celebrated on an inscription of 1289 as a master of siddhi and yoga. On the same inscription we read, that he divided the Javanese kingdom into two parts, and how he performed this -- the details are not very clear (13) -- by means of kumbhavajrodaka. Vajrodaka we met with as a technical term in the Sang Hyang Kamahayanikan (14). It may of course be true that what we know of Bharada all comes from later sources and therefore gives no certainty about the condition of things in Airlangga's time; on the other hand it may surely be regarded as improbable that everything handed down to us about the tantristic magical powers of this historic figure, is altogether unfounded.

We can go back still further. In the introduction to the Sang Hyang Kamahayanikan to be found in only one manuscript (15), the work is connected with a Javanese king, who fortunately belongs to the best-known monarchs of the inscriptions. He is King Sindok, by his abhiseka-name Sri Icana, who must have ruled at least from 929 to 947.

Therefore if the statement in the introduction is correct, the period of Javanese Tantrism is brought up in any case to the beginning of the tenth century (16). Unexpectedly this is in a way confirmed by evidence from Further India, where in an inscription on the occasion of the foundation of sanctuaries in 908 and 911 it is recorded that two pilgrimages to Java, Yavadvipapura, were undertaken to learn the siddhiyatra, which is magic (17). This quite proves how the practice of magic flourished in the island already in those times and although the magic is not actually spoken of as Buddhist (the sanctuaries founded are Sivaitic as well as Buddhist), we may certainly consider that Buddhism will have had its share therein.

The mention of Sindok is also remarkable in another respect because he has lived at the court of the last king who appears to have ruled over both East and Middle Java (18). With him begins the period of East Java's glory which was at the same time just the close of the Middle-Java period. Thus with the name of Sindok the question arises: in how far can the Tantrism connected with that name by the Sang Hyang Kamahayanikan be ascribed to Middle-Java as well.

First we consider that in East Java the texts were able to put us in the right direction and that the images and remains there found agreed with them, yet had these been our only source of information we should not have had sufficient evidence to recognise the Buddhism represented by these remains. Compared to this it is no wonder how poorly we are equiped for the search in Middle-Java where no texts at all have been preserved. It was possible, as already stated, to find connection to a certain extent between the images etc. of East Java and their representation in Middle Java, and this co-incidence points somewhat to a continuous series, not to any new influence from outside. Among the small figures in Middle Java, there are some of distinct Tantristic learning to be found, as for instance the Trailokyavijaya and similar ones. Perhaps more positive indication in this direction is the fact that on the Mendut sanctuary, if I am right (19), the group of the eight Great Bodhisattvas is depicted.

In his study of the Bodhisattva Ti-tsang (Ksitigarbha) in China and Japan, DeVisser has also given his attention to these eight Great Bodhisattvas, and he thereby observes that the regular list of the same eight he so far has only found in sutras of the tantric school and although the appearance of a group of eight in the cave-temples of Elura seems to indicate a general Mahayanistic view, the Tantra school at any rate made a special propaganda of them, and in the Lamaistic church the Eight Bodhisattva's held an important position (20).

What is generally called the Tantra-school, as we shall see, in all respects agrees with the practice of the Yogacarya's; it is not always possible to separate them clearly, but even with the inadequate proofs we possess, it is at once apparent that we have to do with a continuous development or evolution from Asanga to the present day Lamaism. The Mantranaya of Java is of course not a spontaneous system, as is plainly to be seen from the Sang Hyang Kamahayanikan itself, where its origin from the tenets of the Yoga-school is acknowledged. We have already met with the term aji yogacara (21), but still more important is the point of dang acaryya cri Di(g)nagapada being cited as authority for the classification of the yoga (22). I have already noted above (23) that the name of Asahga's famous disciple (of whose pupil it is told (24) how after being professor in Nalanda, he betook himself to Suvamadvipa), is perhaps an indication of the way in which the Mahayana came to Sumatra and from there to Java (25); here we must lay special emphasis on the fact that for our fundamentally tantristic Sang Hyang Kamahayanikan, the influential authority, actually the only one mentioned in the whole work, is the great fifth-century logician of the ancient Yoga school.

Let us add this fact of the Tantra of East Java being derived from the system of Asanga and Dignaga, to what has just been stated about the evidently direct connection between the religious ideas of Middle and East Java, and the traces of a Bodhisattva-worship that agrees with Yoga and Tantra-tenets on such a monument as the Mendut; we then come to the obvious conclusion that there is every probability Middle-Java Buddhism just as much as that of East Java, ought to be ascribed to a Yoga-school already deeply coloured with Tantric dogma.

We can imagine how the creed in a more original, less Tantristic form than that of East Java, was introduced into Middle-Java and during the centuries of its further development on the island shared in the changes which the tenets of the creed underwent on the continent, especially in the practice of its views, for we can believe the intercourse with India would be continued as much as possible and chiefly with regard to religion. We can also assume that the Mantranaya was introduced in very much the same form as known to us from the Sang Hyang Kamahayanikan and therefore remained much the same during the period of the Middle and East Javanese kingdom. There is no authentic account of the state of affairs from Javanese sources owing to the lack of texts connected with the Buddhism of Middle-Java; it is impossible to form any idea of its development or decline, except by careful study of the coinciding changes in the Yoga-creed on the continent, and of this too our knowledge is very scanty.

FOOTNOTES:

1) Ein altjavanischer mahayanistischer Katechismus, Zeitschr. d. Deutsch. Morgenl. Gesellsch. 67 (1913) p. 347-362.
2) See Speyer 1.1. p. 351.
3) Fol. 9b, p. 18 (nibananagara); 24a, p. 30 (nirbanapura).

4) Vajra and bell are also Vajrasattva's attributes in sculpture; see above, p. 155.
5) Also Waddell, The Buddhism of Tibet or Lamaism (1895) p. 145: the doctrine of the Buddhaship being attainable in this life of the body, is said to be proclaimed by "the fictitious Buddha, Vajrasattva".
6) The definition of the first named virtue is: "The love of thy fellow creatures without thought of advantage therefrom, is called maitri" (fol. 36b, comp. p. 93).

7) See Krom's Barabudur: An Architectural Description page 158.
8) Nag canto 1 : 1-2; S. H. Kam. fol. 44, p. 50.
9) Nag 2 : 1; S. h. Kam. fol. 44a, p. 49,

10) Nag. 43 : 2; S. h. Kam. fol. 42b-43a, p. 48.
(11) Brandes in Groeneveldt, Catalogue Batavia (1887), p. 226.
(12) See Barabudur: An Archaeological Description. 305.
(13) Comp. pag. 291 sq. of the author's Notes on the Kern edition of the Nagarakrtagama.
(14) Fol. 12b, p. 20.
(15) See on p. 118 sq. of Kats' edition.

(16) Gorris, Bijdrage tot de kennis der Oud-Javaansche en Balineesche theologie (1926) p. 151-156 has made a successful attempt to ascribe portions of this work to an even older period.
(17) Huber, Etudes indochinoises XII, Bull. EC. Franc. d'Extr. Or. 11 (1911) p. 303 and 309.
(18) Not without importance to the subject we have under examination, is the fact that this monarch writes Bahubajra among his titles.
(19) Seep 228; Ostasiatische Zeitschrift 2 (1913-14), p. 189-196.

(20) 1.1. pag. 194.
(21) Fol. 41b, p. 47.
(22) Fol. 40a, p. 45.
(23) See p. 99.
(24) Taranatha, p. 161 (== 124).
(25) Dignaga must have lived before the sixth century (see Peri in Bull. EC. Franc. d'Extr. Or. 11, 1911, p. 387) and the activities of his disciple may therefore have preceded the time of I-tsing, who already found some Mahayanists in Malayn (see p. 288). Sumatra remained in contact with the outside world of Mahayanists through the pilgrims who visited this island in their journey between China and India. See for instance Chavannes, Les inscriptions chinoises de Bodh-Gaya, Revue de 1'Hist. des Rel. 34 (1896) p. 34 and 52.

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